Nari Shakti in the Indian Politics - Analysis.

India’s democratic credentials sit uneasily alongside a persistent gender gap in political representation. While women form nearly half of the population and now a major swinger in elections, their presence in Parliament, State Assemblies, and party leadership remains limited, rarely crossing 15–16 percent at higher levels of governance. The uneven translation of grassroots participation into legislative power highlights deep structural and party‑level barriers. Against this backdrop, the recent revival and political gimmick of the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) around the Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam which promises 33 percent reservation for women in Parliament and State Assemblies has brought renewed focus to whether structural reform can finally correct a deficit that incremental, voluntary measures have failed to resolve.

Women representation in legislature

The 18th Lok Sabha (2024–2029) has a total strength of 543 Members of Parliament. Of these, 74 are women and 469 are men. Women therefore constitute 13.6 percent of the House, while men account for 86.4 percent. In ratio terms, this translates to approximately 1 woman for every 6.3 men (1 : 6.3). Although this marks a historic improvement compared to early Lok Sabhas, it is slightly lower than the 2019 peak of 14.36 percent, indicating that women remain significantly under‑represented at the national legislative level.

The Rajya Sabha currently has 245 members, of whom 39 are women and 206 are men. This places women’s representation at approximately 15.9 percent, compared to 84.1 percent for men. The gender ratio in the Upper House is therefore about 1 : 5.3. While the Rajya Sabha performs marginally better than the Lok Sabha in proportional terms, it still falls well short of gender parity.

Across India’s 28 States and Union Territories with Legislative Assemblies, there are approximately 4,120 sitting MLAs. Of these, around 370 are women and roughly 3,750 are men. This means women constitute about 9 percent of all State/UT legislators, while men make up 91 percent. The resulting gender ratio is a stark 1 woman to about 10 men (1 : 10). Importantly, no State or Union Territory currently has 20 percent or more women MLAs, with the highest representation found in Chhattisgarh and the lowest in states such as Mizoram and Himachal Pradesh.

Overall, when compared across tiers, Rajya Sabha has more women representation (≈ 16 percent), followed by the Lok Sabha (≈ 14 percent), while State Assemblies lag behind (≈ 9 percent). In ratio terms, the gender gap worsens steadily as governance moves closer to the citizen from 1 : 5.3 in the Rajya Sabha, to 1 : 6.3 in the Lok Sabha, and finally to 1 : 10 in State Assemblies. This gradient highlights that institutional seniority does not automatically translate into improved gender balance, and that structural barriers at the electoral and party‑nomination level remain deeply entrenched.

Women representation at the major political parties.

Across India’s leading political parties, women’s representation shows a sharp contrast between absolute numbers and proportional inclusion. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the Indian National Congress (INC) dominate in total women representatives largely because of their size, yet both hover around the national average of 13–16 percent women in the Lok Sabha and State Assemblies, indicating limited structural prioritisation of gender parity. Their strongest contribution lies at the Panchayati Raj level, where constitutional reservations have produced near‑parity outcomes, though this grassroots strength has not translated consistently into higher legislative or organisational power. In contrast, the Trinamool Congress (TMC) stands out as the most gender‑inclusive major party in proportional terms, particularly at the parliamentary level, where women comprise nearly two‑fifths of its Lok Sabha contingent, supported by deliberate candidate selection and visible leadership roles for women. The Biju Janata Dal (BJD) similarly demonstrates that sustained political will can elevate women’s representation across tiers, combining strong Panchayat‑level inclusion with above‑average results in State and parliamentary politics. The Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) occupies a middle position, performing well at the grassroots and moderately at legislative levels, but retaining male dominance in senior party structures.

Top 5 States/UTs by Women’s Representation

1. Chhattisgarh

Chhattisgarh leads the country in women’s legislative representation. Women constitute about 18 percent of the Assembly, meaning roughly 1 woman for every 4.5 men. This relatively high share is widely attributed to stronger intra‑party nomination of women and the visible spillover effect of long‑standing 50 percent reservation for women in Panchayati Raj Institutions, which has created a pipeline of experienced women leaders at the grassroots level. Despite topping the list nationally, even Chhattisgarh remains far below parity, underscoring the structural limits of voluntary party action alone.

2. West Bengal

West Bengal consistently ranks among the better‑performing States, with women making up around 14 percent of MLAs, translating to a women‑to‑men ratio of approximately 1 : 6. This performance mirrors the State’s pattern in the Lok Sabha, where parties most notably the Trinamool Congress have consciously fielded a higher number of women candidates.

3. Rajasthan

Rajasthan’s Assembly has women accounting for about 14 percent of members, again yielding a ratio close to 1 woman per 6 men. This is significant given the State’s otherwise conservative socio‑political context. The relatively higher share is often linked to sustained reservation‑led participation at the local level and the gradual normalization of women as electoral contenders in mainstream parties. However, the plateauing of numbers over successive elections suggests that gains have stalled without statutory quotas at the Assembly level.

4. Odisha

Odisha reports women’s representation at approximately 13–14 percent, comparable to Rajasthan and West Bengal, and reflecting a 1 : 6.5 women‑to‑men ratio. The figure is strongly influenced by the consistent practice of fielding women candidates by the Biju Janata Dal, which has historically exceeded most national parties in this regard.

5. Kerala

Kerala rounds out the top five with women comprising around 11–12 percent of MLAs, or roughly 1 woman for every 7–8 men. While this places Kerala above the national State‑Assembly average, it contrasts sharply with the State’s strong social indicators on gender equality.

Bottom 5 States/UTs by Women’s Representation

1. Mizoram

Mizoram remains at the bottom nationally, with zero women MLAs, meaning 100 percent male representation and an undefined women‑to‑men ratio. This extreme outcome reflects deep‑rooted cultural norms around leadership and persistent resistance to nominating women in mainstream party politics, despite relatively strong participation of women in civil society.

2. Himachal Pradesh

Himachal Pradesh has just one woman MLA, placing women’s representation at around 3 percent, or roughly 1 woman for every 30 men. This chronic under‑representation has remained largely unchanged across multiple electoral cycles, suggesting that neither voter behavior nor party strategy has moved meaningfully toward inclusivity.

3. Nagaland

Nagaland’s Assembly typically has around 4 percent women MLAs, translating to approximately 1 : 23 women‑to‑men. The State’s political landscape is shaped heavily by customary institutions and tribal councils, which historically exclude women from formal political authority.

4. Puducherry (UT)

Puducherry records women’s representation at about 4–5 percent, or close to 1 woman per 20 men.

5. Goa

Goa has around 6 percent women MLAs, equivalent to roughly 1 : 15 women‑to‑men. This low proportion is striking given Goa’s relatively progressive social reputation.

Conclusion

Overall, the data across legislatures, political parties, and levels of governance makes one reality unmistakable: India’s gender gap in political representation is not a question of capacity or participation, but of access and institutional design. While women have entered public life in large numbers through Panchayati Raj Institutions, their progression into State Assemblies, Parliament, and inner party decision‑making has remained constrained by entrenched norms and uneven political will. Party‑wise patterns show that voluntary inclusion, though possible, has benefited only a few exceptions and failed to produce system‑wide change.

Check for a previous analysis, as of 2022 here.

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